Two soccer matches from the 1990s played a significant role in Croatian history. Croatia’s Dinamo Zagreb vs Serbia’s Red Star Belgrade game from May 13, 1990 garners most attention from scholars and journalists alike. However, the international friendly between Croatia and the USA on October 17, 1990, is seldom discussed, despite it being equally significant in the historical memory of Croatians. Allen Sack’s and Zeljan Suster’s article, “Soccer and Croatian Nationalism: A Prelude to War,” is the only work of scholarship I found that analyzes both games in an historical context. Croatia’s rich history dates back centuries, but it is often absorbed by the larger historical collectives of the Habsburg Empire, Austria-Hungary, and Yugoslavia—or the ambiguous moniker of the Balkans. Croatian soccer and its national history synchronized during key moments, and in those instances the game crossed over from sport to politics.
Brief History
The Croat Kingdom was absorbed into Hungary in the 12th century and thus became part of the newly formed Habsburg Empire when the Hungarian and Austrian crowns united in 1526.1 By the time the Habsburg Empire officially became Austria-Hungary in 1867,2 England’s Industrial Revolution had reached its second phase and was spreading to Europe’s eastern borders. Subsequently, the arrival of English sailors and workers during the 1870s produced the first reports of soccer on Croatian territory. The sport was played among English sailors in the port of Zadar, and a more specific account in Rijeka witnessed a match between the Hungarian Railway employees and English factory workers in 1873.3,4 However, these were short-lived instances since there was not a significant English community to perpetuate the game. Signs that the game took hold in the mid 1890s5 in Croatia is evidenced by the game’s first set of official rules being printed in Zagreb in 1896. Furthermore, the intent to develop and organize the game under the supervision of the Croatian Academic Sport Club (HAŠK)—a subset of the Sokol gymnastics organization—further demonstrated the game’s emerging influence in Croatia. Its presence solidified when the first Croatian soccer team, PNIŠK, was founded in 1903 .6 With soccer embraced, it did not take the Croats long to discover the potential it had to express socio-political aspirations while under the rule of Austria-Hungary. Specifically, the establishment of the Croatian national soccer federation in 1912 communicated the mounting current of nationalism and separatism within the region.7 The onset of World War I two years later would effect significant changes in the region.
1918-1945
World War I ended with the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and the emergence of Yugoslavia—literally, “South Slavia.” Because the independent kingdoms of Serbia and Montenegro were part of the victorious Allies of World War I and the South Slav states were part of the defeated Central Powers, the coalescence of these states created a degree of uncertainty as to how they would be administered and organized.8 Nevertheless, on December 1, 1918, the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was created, but it was mostly referred to by its less formal name of Yugoslavia; the name was officially changed to “Yugoslavia” in 1929. Regardless of its name, the unification of all Slav states brought together an ethnically diverse group of people with equally differing historical experiences. In short, this first Yugoslavia (1918-1941) was a volatile mixture of distinct languages, alphabets, and religions that, in several respects, was a kingdom united in name only.
In terms of soccer, an assembly was convened in Zagreb in 1919 to discuss the creation of a national federation to represent Yugoslavia. Croatia sent representatives from its major soccer teams to convince the assembly to officially institute the Croatian Football Association as the sport’s national representative body. The Croatian argument, in part, was that it already had its own national structure in place since 1912 and was, logically, best-suited to now extend its national coverage under the new environment. Notwithstanding, the assembly opted for a broader nomenclature and established the Yugoslav Football Association (YFA) to be headquartered in Zagreb, thus effectively ending Croatia’s national soccer federation. However, subset associations were created under the umbrella of the YFA to represent one’s region.
Yugoslavian soccer made its international debut at the 1920 Summer Olympics in Antwerp, Belgium. The team was comprised of 10 Croatians, 6 Serbs, and 1 Slovene9 and coached by a Croatian. They played two games and lost 7-0 and 4-2 to Czechoslovakia and Egypt, respectively. Yugoslavia gained full membership into FIFA in 1923, but by 1929 tension among the sub-associations reached a boiling point and the YFA was disbanded. Shortly after, another assembly was called into order in Zagreb during the early part of 1930 to resolve the hostilities among the associations. Animosities were quelled and the national association was renamed as the Football Association of Yugoslavia (FAY) with its headquarters now in Belgrade, Serbia10—just in time to take part in the inaugural 1930 World Cup to be held in Uruguay.
Yugoslavia had an impressive run at their first World Cup. They beat Brazil 2-1 and Bolivia 4-0, which was enough to place them into the semifinals of the 13-nation tournament. They lost in the semis to the eventual champions, Uruguay, 6-1. Despite Yugoslavia’s international success, the tenuous relationships between the sub-associations of FAY became significantly strained over time. In 1939, Croatia parted from FAY to found the Croatian Football Association and its own league system. Within a month, World War II started after Great Britain and France declared war on Germany for invading Poland. The Yugoslav region would again experience major changes during and after the war.
Germany invaded Yugoslavia in 1941 for retracting its agreement to allow German troops to pass through its territory on their way to Greece. The attack was swift and decisive. Germany—along with Italy—dismantled Yugoslavia into their own spheres of influence. However, Croatia’s Ustaša regime was allowed to declare the Independent State of Croatia. Despite this declaration Germany and Italy stationed their troops within Croatian borders, thereby establishing further zones of influence.11 The extreme measures the Ustaša took against ethnic Serbs within its borders are staggering: hundreds of thousands were expelled and approximately 330,000 were murdered. Jewish communities suffered as well: approximately 24,000 were imprisoned and 16,000 murdered.12 It is a distasteful part of Croatia’s past. I do not say this to disparage or single out Croatia, but to point out a snapshot of the atrocities that occurred during World War II. Most countries only need to look inward to see a part of their past they would like to forget: the United States’ treatment of its indigenous people and its slavery system and maltreatment of Africans; Spain’s violent conquering of the Americas; Argentina’s Dirty War against its own citizens in the 1970s; Nazi Germany’s extermination of six million Jews. Our world is, and has been, riddled with violence.
Such atrocities make the transition to talk about sports difficult, almost misplaced or disconnected. It is important to understand that I am conveying only a fractured history of Croatia. It is is no way comprehensive nor entirely considerate to all their sufferings throughout their history. With that disclaimer, I will move on.
By 1941, Croatia was an independent state and its national soccer association had been in place for two years. In a moment of recognition and validation for both the country and its national soccer program, FIFA granted Croatia full membership that same year. From 1941 to 1945, Croatia played 14 international friendlies against Germany, Slovakia, Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, and Switzerland.12 It is astounding that international soccer matches were being played in the midst of a destructive war, but it also indicates how relatively unaffected some of these areas were during such times.
1945-1990
The end of World War II in 1945 brought the establishment of the second Yugoslavia under the leadership of Josip Tito. It was comprised of six states: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Slovenia, and Serbia with its two autonomous regions Kosovo–now an independent nation– and Vojvodina. Tito was able to much better manage ethnic tensions and create a sense of greater unity among the people in this Yugoslavia than the previous Yugoslavia experiment from 1918-1941.13
In the realm of soccer, the Croatian Football Association was once again absorbed by the Football Association of Yugoslavia (FAY). However, according to Sack and Suster, all fans were united in their support for their national soccer team. As an example, they cite the recollection of Paul Mojzes—an author and avid soccer fan who grew up in Croatia—regarding the 1952 Helsinki Summer Olympic Games. In a personal communication, Mojzes conveyed that all of Yugoslavia was euphoric when it staged a dramatic comeback to tie the Soviet Union 5-5, and later win 3-1 in the replay match14 (penalty kick shootouts had not yet been instituted). I do not doubt Mojzes’s assertion that the whole country celebrated the tie, but his recollection regarding how the game transpired is completely erroneous. It was the Soviet Union that staged the dramatic comeback from a 5-1 deficit with only 15 minutes left to tie the match.15,16 Sack and Suster should have verified his information, but the point is taken. The country had beaten a major global power which sought to bring Yugoslavia within its sphere of influence in the world of politics. Such victories tend to galvanize and unite a country that in the past may have been divided. As for the Helsinki games, Yugoslavia made it to the gold medal match but was defeated by Hungary 2-0. Nevertheless, it was a soccer success for the young nation.
Generally speaking, Tito’s Yugoslavia remained quite stable under his leadership. However, his death in 1980, coupled with the decline of communism throughout the decade, marked the beginning of another wave of instability that afflicted the region, one that rejuvenated dormant sentiments of nationalism among several Yugoslav states. In the spring of 1990, Croatia held free elections where Franjo Tuđman, an ultra-nationalist, won the presidency.
The post-election atmosphere in Croatia was double-sided. On one hand, jubilant Croats celebrated by hanging the national flag from their apartment balconies, the same flag the Ustaša had used during World War II. On the other hand, concerned Croatian-Serbs feared they would be persecuted as they had been throughout Ustaša rule. Furthermore, when Tuđman castigated what he deemed the disproportionate representation of Serbs in the media, police, and government—coupled with the declaration that Croatia was for Croats and not for Croatian citizens—ethnic Serbs sensed that this was not just post-election rhetoric.17 It is under this intensified environment that Dinamo and Red Star would play each other in Zagreb, merely two weeks into Tuđman’s presidency.
1990—Dinamo Zagreb v. Red Star Belgrade
Outside of Dinamo’s Maksimirska stadium a monument reads, “To the fans of this club who started the war with Serbia at this ground on May 13, 1990.” The statement is in reference to the fans that attended the Dinamo v. Red Star match on that day. The game never took place. Shortly prior to kick-off, Dinamo’s ultra fans, the Bad Blue Boys, clashed with the ultras of Red Star—the Delije. Which side instigated the ensuing riot is disputed, and left to interpretation from the various news agencies within Yugoslavia, and those around the world, that reported the incident.
The weaponry that each set of ultras had come prepared with indicates the anticipatory state of battle and the frustrated relations between Croats and Serbs. The Bad Blue Boys had stockpiled rocks prior to the game, while the Delije brought acid to cut through barrier fences.18 Depending on which account one believes, Red Star ultras started to yell, “We will kill Tuđman,” which was the impetus for Dinamo followers to hurl rocks toward them.19 The fences came down, and both sides attacked one another as the riot among 25,000 fans spilled over on to the field. The police on hand were overwhelmed; many Croats claimed that police action toward them was more aggressive and severe than those toward Serbs. Dinamo team captain Zvonimir Boban felt the same and obtained instant national hero status when he punched one policeman and karate-kicked another. Eventually, helicopters were brought in to evacuate Red Star players to safety. The entire scene was a microcosm of things to come.
In April 1991, Serbs in the Croatian region of Kraijina seceded. Consequently, Croatian forces were deployed to quash the Serb declaration, and a clash with the Yugoslav Army ensued. Some of the first men to enlist for this confrontation were members of the Bad Blue Boys. It bolsters the suggestion that they had long been a paramilitant group whose nationalistic beliefs were closely tied to soccer and their political perspectives. Their military uniforms bore the Dinamao insignia alongside their military ones, whereby symbolically connecting soccer, politics, and war as close as one possibly can.
1990—Croatia vs United States
Shortly after the Maksimirska riot, the Croatian government took steps toward creating a new constitution. In it, Croatia was declared as a stand-alone nation and it conspicuously left out any mention of Serbs as being part of the new country. It also defined Latin as the official script as opposed to the old constitution, which also included Cyrillic—the customary script of Serbs. As is often the case during ultra-nationalist movements, the cleansing of significant government agencies is orchestrated. Hence, Serbs were summarily removed from civil service, judiciary, and police positions.20
To further promote nationalist fervor, Tuđman coordinated an exhibition soccer match between the Croatian national team and the United States’ team to take place on October 17, 1990. It was a significant achievement on three fronts. First, it helped Tuđman internationalize Croatia and its cause by playing a nation considered to be the definitive economic and political leader at the time. Second, the United States’ acceptance of the match legitimized Croatian nationalism and its pursuit of independence. Third, it is significant to note that Yugoslavia was still a nation comprised of six republics, Croatia being one of them despite their elections and new constitution. None of it was entirely official nor accepted by the global community, a fact that raises the question: why would the U.S. state department have allowed such a match to take place with its national soccer team?
The image of the ticket at the top of this post symbolizes the atmosphere Tuđman was trying to sustain. Even though the ticket advertises an Interstate Football Game (Međudržavna Nogometna Utakmica), it is much more. The Croatian shield takes center position, and the dual globes on each side, displaying most of the world, places the game on an international stage between two nations. All the makings of an independent nation were displayed: the Croatian national anthem sung to its raised flag; the Croatian team in red jerseys with checkerboard fronts; and fans waving the Croatian flag. Best of all for Tuđman and all Croatians is that the Croatian national team beat the U.S. 2-1. The victory emboldened the idea of independence for both the masses and for Tuđman.
Conclusion
Since before World War I, Croatian history and soccer have been closely tied to its national identity and aspirations to become an independent nation. The inscription on the monument outside of Maksimirska represents the significant position the soccer riot occupies in the collective memory of Croatians. For many of them, it catapults the riot to a perceived historical moment in time when the war with Serbia began. In truth, May 13, 1990, is a moment in history that encapsulates the rising patriotism within the region and the deeply rooted ethno-religious conflicts between Croats and Serbs, but it does not mark the beginning of the war. However, the riot that took place on May 13 can be viewed as the embodiment of Croat-Serb tensions and the war that raged from 1991-1995. In this respect, Croatian memory is part mythical lore and part historical fact. It is much like the soccer match between El Salvador and Honduras in 1969 that is said to have incited their war—something I’ll discuss in the forthcoming Honduras post. It had much more to do with the mounting frustration of land reforms and the expulsion of Salvadorians than the match itself. Nonetheless, soccer is often extended to political theater and it is within this manner that something abstract comes to be viewed as concrete—such as a soccer riot or game being the cause of war.
The Croatia-United States match did not internationalize Croatia in any official capacity, but it did in the minds of the Croatian people. The United States exemplified independence and democracy, and was the only remaining superpower after the fall of communism in the Soviet Union. Team USA was not aware of the political implications the game presented, but it would be unimaginable to say the same for both Croatians and Serbians. Therefore, it was an authentic experience that both validated Croatian aspirations and the opportunity to present themselves as a unique group of people. The United States, by agreeing to the match, opened the door for Croatia to imagine its place within the international community. To Croatians, the match created the perception of what it would be like—and feel like—to be an independent nation. In another analogous occurrence, the Croatia-United States match is similar to the Algerian FLN national team’s effort to promote its national cause with its tour of eastern Europe during the Algerian-French war—another forthcoming post. The ultimate significance of soccer in Croatia during the year 1990 is that it became hypostatized to represent independence, nationalism, and war.
Notes
1. Crampton, R. J. Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century-and After (Routledge, 2002), 11, 17.
2. Ibid., 17.
3. Goldblatt, David. The Ball Is Round: A Global History of Soccer: (Riverhead Trade, 2008), 142
4. “History.” Croatian Football Federation. http://hns-cff.hr/en/cff/about-us/history/ (accessed May 26, 2014).
5. It is not exactly clear how this transpired. Goldblatt credits Hugo Bale of Belgrade for the sustained interest of the game in the Balkans when upon finishing his studies in Vienna he returned home with a soccer ball in 1896. It is assumed that at this point in time the game spread outward from Serbia to surrounding areas like Croatia. However, according to the Croatian Football Federation website, “Factory workers from England, who were employed in Županja’s wood industry, brought a football in 1880…. Croatian youth started playing football [here] after [an] invitation [from] nine English wood industry workers.” On the surface, this last account seems most plausible since the official rules were printed in 1896 and the likelihood of that happening at around the same time Bale returned is unlikely because it suggests an immediate spread of the game took place.
6. “History.” Croatian Football Federation.
7. Goldblatt, The Ball Is Round, 143.
8. Sack, Allen L and Zeljan Suster. “Soccer and Croatian Nationalism: a Prelude to War.” (Journal of Sport & Social Issues 24, no. 3 ,2000), 308.
9. I cautiously make the assertion of the team’s ethnic make-up by connecting it to the teams that these players represented at the club level: 10 played for Croatian teams, 6 for Serbian teams, and 1 for a Slovene team. See: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Football_at_the_1920_Summer_Olympics_%E2%80%93_Men’s_team_squads#.C2.A0Yugoslavia
10. “History.” Football Association of Serbia. http://www.fss.rs/index.php?id=3014&aid=2316 (accessed May 26, 2014).
11. “Axis Invasion of Yugoslavia.” 2013. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10005456 (accessed May 26, 2014).
12. “Croatia – International Matches.” 2008. The Rec. Sport Soccer Statistics. http://www.rsssf.com/tablesk/kroa-intres.html (accessed May 28, 2014).
13. Allen and Suster. “Soccer and Croatian Nationalism.” 309.
14. Ibid.
15. “The Olympic Football Tournament Helsinki 1952.” FIFA.com http://www.fifa.com/tournaments/archive/mensolympic/helsinki1952/matches/round=197061/match=32383/ (accessed May 28, 2014)
16. Murray, Bill. The World’s Game: A History of Soccer (University of Illinois Press, 1998), 94.
17. Allen and Suster. “Soccer and Croatian Nationalism.” 310.
18. Goldblatt, The Ball Is Round, 708.
19. Foer, Franklin. How Soccer Explains the World: An Unlikely Theory of Globalization (HarperCollins New York, 2004), 16.
20. Allen and Suster. “Soccer and Croatian Nationalism.” 313.
Croatia vs USA Image Credit
http://www.delcampe.net/item.php?language=E&id=241484947
